Editorial - September 19th, 2019
Statement of the Internationalist Workers League (LOI-CI), adherent to the Collective for the Re-foundation of the IV International / FLTI – 09/19/2019
A bankrupted Argentina, plundered by imperialism
Between the economic crash and the capitalists’ onslaught…
Like in Chubut, the masses wage huge battles
The leaderships betray them
The curtain of the electoral circus falls down: a deadly trap against workers
As the lights of the electoral circus of the primary elections PASO (August 11th) went off, the big capitalists, Wall Street bankers, the local bourgeoisie and the oligarchy launched a 30% devaluation attack. The exchange rate of the Argentinian currency (peso) with the dollar was 60. Fernandez stated that 1 dollar at 60 Argentinian pesos was OK. Thus, the government and the “opposition” commanded a massive theft on the workers’ wages.
Today, over a month later, the trap used by the government, PJ and both Fernandezes to cover up the capitalists’ crisis and throw it to the masses is clear. Now the excuse is “reach October without provoking the government”, as Fernandez said among UIA members and the traitors of the union bureaucracy, who have been the biggest supporters of Macri and those who sold out the workers’ gains. They are the ones who surrendered wages and jobs; and they have divided the workers’ struggles.
Amidst the electoral trap, workers are told that they can neither fight nor take to the streets because the PJ and F-F accuse them of “responding to government’s provocations”.
The Fernandezes and the PJ are co-ruling with Macri’s government. This is the truth. They want the masses out of the streets; they want “social peace”… In the meantime, the bourgeoisie can lay-off workers everywhere, close factories, shut down 50% of the industrial production, take US$ 150 billions out of the country, empty the state treasury, impose 60% of inflation, stop paying the wages in bankrupted provinces like Chubut… But the workers must wait until October… and December, so that F-F can “win the elections fairly”, as they have said.
It is clear now: Fernandez supports Macri so he can finish his term in December starving the people and throwing the economic crisis they have provoked to the working class.
The leaders of the left parties members of FIT-U have stated that the working class “punished the government” (See article “Voting for Fernandez was not a ‘punish vote’ for Macri”) in the PASO elections. This is a vile deception. A bourgeois government cannot be punished by voting a different executioner. What FIT-U states openly breaks away from revolutionary Marxisim and with the struggle for socialism.
Facts speak for themselves: Fernandez supports Macri so he can smash the masses. The working class can only punish the bourgeoisie and their politicians by attacking their properties, organizing and fighting for their class interests, breaking away with all the bosses’ parties, building their own organizations of struggle, facing the bourgeois parliament like in December 2017, fighting against the PJ of Fernandez in streets and setting fire Arcioni’s -his partner- Town Hall, as in Chubut. That is the way to punish the bourgeoisie and their politicians!
In the elections, like Lenin stated, the working class can only vote for who will be their next executioner every 4 years.
The parliamentarian Left, continuer of Stalinism’s policy, states that there is a “progressive” bourgeoisie that can be used to punish “the bad” bourgeoisie by supporting it. Then, when those left parties lose their votes, they will say that the working class is “conservative”. But if they state that by voting for Fernandez means “punishing” Macri, why would anybody vote for FIT-U? Thus, the Left cuts the branch on which is sitting.
The worst part is that FIT-U is still in its electoral campaign, deceiving the masses about alleged “kindness” of the bourgeoisie and its puppet Parliament. Del Pla and Del Caño proved it by voting for the Law of Food Emergency of Macri’s government, the PJ and all the bosses’ parties (see article “FIT-U ratifies the scam of the bourgeoisie to millions of starving workers”).
Ultimately, they are also calling the workers to wait until October to “punish” the government once again. Their leaders have publicly said so: “We want Macri to finish his term in December,” stated Bregman, Belliboni (leader of Workers Pole-PO) and “Pollo” Sobrero had done it previously, when he apologized to Macri for saying that there had to be a fight for overthrowing him.
Argentina, a bankrupted semi-colony submitted to imperialism
It is not just a crisis, but “THE CRISIS”
As we have said in the article “Fierce war of the capitalists against the working class”, Argentina has entered a true economic crash. The reason of the crisis is no other thing than plundering the wealth of the nation by imperialism and the huge super-profits obtained by the great capitalists and the oligarchy, which have taken them out of the country.
There is a perverse mechanism of imperialist plundering and disinvestment in the productive process by the bosses, the oligarchy and the bankers. They take their great amounts of capitals to the banks, to the financial gambling and take the dollars out of the country. This is opening a process of stagflation.
Inflation hikes while recession does not stop. Half the factories are paralyzed. That is what the ongoing crash means: recession with hundreds of thousands dismissed and an increasing inflation, with the Peso reaching its lowest historical levels of devaluation. The most wanted good is the dollar, which is needed to pay the high interests of the foreign debt and for the capitalists and Wall Street’s big investment funds take their super-profits that Macri government gave them in the financial gamble.
As if this was not enough, the Fed has increased the interest rate in the USA. This made the world oligarchy’s capitals, which were making super-profits in the domestic market, to go to “safer places”. That means those capitals are invested in US dollars and US treasury bonds. This valorizes the dollar, which means depreciation of all the currencies of the world.
The value of the Argentinean Peso, fictitiously kept, is being taken and will be taken to permanent and recurrent devaluations, plunging the workers’ wages. These devaluations destroy the masses’ purchasing power and deepen recession, fueled by the flight of capitals from the productive process to speculation and out of the country. The values of food, services, leisure, etc. are measured in US dollars and they keep their value in that currency. This increases inflation which is fueled by the capitalists’ profits, who pay miserable wages in pesos and earn dollars. The crisis is here and the working class and the exploited masses are paying it.
Capital moves towards profitability. It does not do charity, nor is it kind. From the savings of Pymes (like small companies are called) to the profits of the industrial bourgeoisie; from the farming income to the super-profits of the oil companies and monopolies, it all went to the dollar and state bonds, which are paying a 60-80% interest, unseen in any other place of the world.
Argentina has became a true “revolving door”: dollars enter; they are exchanged into pesos; they are used to buy bonds; they get 80% profit; pesos are exchanged into dollars again and they are taken out of the country from the same door they entered.
In the meantime, broad sectors of the bankrupted middle and working classes must pay their debts with unseen interests. This kick-started a process of pauperization of the middle classes and the high unionized layers of the working class. At the same time, the rich middle class, who saved money in dollars or small shares of investments, have made juicy profits.
The whip of capital and the crisis tend to unify the workers’ ranks and divide the middle classes. In the top layers of the bourgeoisie, the different bourgeois factions dispute their share of profits, from the banks to the different food companies, oligarchy, etc. None of them gives up a single dollar. However, to make the working class pay for the crisis unifies those bourgeois gangs and imperialism. That’s what Fernandezes pact is about, to support Macri’s government during the transition to another good life.
What needs to be shown to the workers is the infamy and lie of the alleged “kindness” of an industrial “pro-domestic market” bourgeoisie, who is promising to give workers money so they can consume. This is a lie.
They put the gun of economic crash, unemployment, inflation and recession to the workers’ heads in order to make them surrender and give up to their gains, as a condition for capital to return to the productive process.
Fernandez with his promises of “social pact” wants to fill Argentina with maquilas, to transform it into Bangladesh. This would allow the bourgeoisie to have a new mass of surplus value taken to the working class to re-start the cycle of payments of the fraudulent and usurer foreign debt. These are the true “kindnesses” of the “national industry” bourgeoisie. They want to recreate a new productive cycle with slave workers, in a country where labour force and costs in dollars be almost zero. The “golden dream” of an exporter sweatshop, partner of the oligarchy and oil and mining companies is what Alberto Fernandez offers. The working class is therefore forced to choose between two executioners in this election…
Fernandez will not bring money for the workers’ pockets, nor bread. He comes with the capitalists’ stick and whip and with the services of union bureaucracy’s gunmen to deepen the attack on the working class to keep the profits of the entire capitalist class or to re-distribute according to the new gang that will share the businesses from the house of government.
The “domestic-market” bourgeoisie that F-F claim defending is Techint and the big exporters, who made fortunes in the last few years together with the oligarchy. They are the ones who closed their factories, covered the machinery with blankets and become importer. With the union bureaucracy selling out the collective agreements and wages and with different devaluations and hike of prices, namely inflation, capitalists conquered a slave labour force, very cheap in dollars, with half of them outsourced un-unionized and without collective agreements, and with a 3 million workers as the industrial reserve army. This is the “sacred legacy” that Macri leaves to F-F.
The transnationals, which control 80% of the industrial production in Argentina, were merciless to re-convert their companies, re-structure branches, close their factories and move them abroad, like it happened with the textile and auto industries, labs and the big food companies. The imperialist companies Adidas or Nike didn’t hesitate in taking their production to Bangladesh. Auto companies, which made fortunes in the last 15 years, did not hesitate either in suspending workers (and pay them less wage) or dismiss tens of thousands of workers of the auto parts. The same thing happened in the light industry.
The “national industry” bourgeoisie of F-F is a scam. They are partners of imperialism, enemies of the working class and friends who “meet again” in long events with the Rural Society, the Stock Exchange and the US Embassy.
The working class fought and fight back
Their leaders are the ones who betray the workers and sell them out
The electoral paraphernalia, the deception and poison of promises of change, which got the exploited drunk, were nothing more than a trap and siren songs to deceive the people, after the traitors of union bureaucracy diverted and divided –even at gunpoint- all the heroic struggles with which the working class combated the lay-offs and wage cuts.
All this deceit of “democracy” and electoral circus covers up the fiercest dictatorship of capital. The bourgeois democracy is a sweet cover of the dictatorship of a minority of parasites who plunder the nation and live at the expense of millions of the exploited’s work and sacrifice.
The working class fought back. The parliamentarian left weeps because they see the workers “conservative”. Del Caño and the PTS leadership are specialists in ranting about the “working class backwardness”. Trotsky said that “the masses are not the problem, but what you leaders do”… And the working class fought back..
On December 18th and 19th 2017, the working class imposed and conquered a general strike with picket lines and clashes on the streets, which attacked the power directly. They left Macri’s government seriously injured and dealt the hardest and toughest blow and punishment that it got since it took office. Del Caño and Del Pla, while this was happening, shrieked around the halls of the Congress demanding a “plebiscite”, “popular referendum” to vote for yes or for no to Macri’s pension reform bill. The left parties have already had their plebiscite: it was the PASO elections, where people voted for or against Macri. FIT-U’s “progressive” friend, Fernandez, won. These are the consequences.
Those days in December 2017, Macri and the capitalists felt the ground shaking. They faced a 36-hour general strike, which had nothing to do with the passive strikes called a few times by the union bureaucracy to decompress, which ended up with them selling out the wages in the starving collective bargains.
The working class has proven in combat to understand more what happens in the country than all the enlightened despots of reformism. With a deep recession, in the middle of a sea of lay-offs, the economic struggle becomes impossible. Any mass action to get the smallest demand tries to hit the government politically to weaken it and force it to concede something.
The economical struggle of pressure loses strength. In every collective wage agreement, the capitalists blackmail with recession and unemployment. The union bureaucracy, based in this economic crisis that tends to scatter workers’ ranks, sells out the gains and wages.
Every struggle against the lay-offs poses the need of attacking the capitalists’ property, occupying the factories and make them work under workers’ control or under direct worker management.
The masses answered the hikes in fees and attack on pensions in December 2017 with “cacerolazos” (demonstrations hitting pans, TN) of the ruined middle classes and throwing tons of stones to that infamous Congress made of front men of the oligarchy and Wall Street.
The masses entered the fight in political struggles. As Lenin said, it subsumes the economical struggle, it includes it.
Here and there, there are tendencies of embryos of coordination of struggles of different unions and workplaces, in cities and regions, beyond the different professions. They are united by the struggles against factories shutdown, against persecution of workers and struggle against union bureaucracy. This is what happened in Fanazul (Azul), ARS struggle (La Plata), the miners of Rio Turbio… with Adidas, Canale, UTA (Cordoba), Luz y Fuerza (electricity), Electrolux, bus Line 60 and East Bus Line (La Plata) and many others.
On March 7th, 2017, the working class pushed the union bureaucrats to the highest degree to enter this combat, when it brought them down from the stage of their passive rally, imposing them to “set the date for the strike”. The CGT’s stand remains as a trophy of the workers vanguard. On the other hand, every single day the parliamentarian left weeps and begs the union bureaucracy to call for a 36-hour general strike. Come on! The 36-hour general strike is being called and imposed by the working class and the starving people of Chubut who rebelled against power. This is the road to conquer the General Strike. Anything else are just parliamentary words of the reformist left which is only holding symbolic rallies so that Fernandez can take office peacefully in December.
That is what the current period of class struggle is about. In the short cycles of economic growth or expansion in certain branches of production, the economic struggle becomes a key aspect and pushes the working class to demand the capitalists to give up a share of their profits. But when the crisis and economical catastrophe comes first, wages and works are defended in the battlefield of mass political struggle, with political general strikes, pickets, road blocks, coordinating bodies, occupation of factories, and attack the institutions of power.
Chubut’s Town Hall and Legislature on fire and the Congress Square without paving stones are the symbols of the mass political struggle of today’s Argentina. This is the path the workers follow constantly when they break the corset of the treacherous and reformist leaderships.
As the reader can see in the special supplement “Open the road to Chubutazo!” and on the pages which express the latest events shaking that province, today the real Argentina and the real mass struggle that exploited need to wage in order to stop the capital’s attack are represented by Chubut. There teachers’ strike picket shut down the oil industry. Public employees and teachers, with picket lines on the roads, also shut down Aluar, Patagonia’s biggest metal factory. The strike picket gave democracy to UOM and UOCRA workers in Aluar so they can go on strike and to the oil workers who are controlled by the iron fist of Avila and his gunmen. The picket line of the masses in struggle is the true democratic institution that shook the province, and whose spark threatens to set the country on fire.
That is the way to dispute the leadership of the working class to the union bureaucracy, supported by the state, its laws, judges, Ministry of Labour and millions of pesos with which the bosses buys and corrupts them!
The strength of teachers’ struggle picket lines on the roads of Chubut, who guaranteed the strike of 3,000 workers of Aluar and over 7,000 oil and construction workers, was not only because it represented the teachers. It is also because pickets allowed the oil workers and metalworkers to free themselves from the threat of the union bureaucracy and allowed the public fighters to hit the capitalists where it hurts the most: the super-profits of the oil companies and Madanes (member of the economic group owner of Fate in Buenos Aires).
This is the way to conquer the workers ranks’ unity: unifying the masses in the struggle and attacking the capitalists’ property and their government. This is what unifies the exploited who are entering the struggle in Chubut: Out with Arcioni, may the power fall.
FIT-U parliamentary policy is an obstacle for the working vanguard to re-group its forces and face the capitalists’ attack at the same level
As we reported in a recent article included in this current paper, the “National Meeting of Employed and Unemployed Workers”, called by SUTNA and the Militant Unions was held and it was a failed attempt. It was just an agreement on the top of FIT-U’s union tendencies. They have refused to promote any process of unity and coordination of all those who struggle around the country, under the fake pretext that “there are no conditions.”
This mask fell a while ago. This position of dividing the workers’ ranks, promoted by the parliamentary left, is being exposed before the advanced workers’ eyes.
As this meeting called by SUTNA was over, the tyre industry workers went on strike for better wages and to re-open collective bargains. The teachers and public employees of Madryn shut down Aluar. The workers of Ansabo occupied the factory, demanding to place it under workers’ control. What prevents unifying the struggle of SUTNA and particularly Fate with that of the teachers and the public employees who shut down Aluar, against the same bosses, Madanes?
It’s been two and a half months of struggle in Chubut. Two comrades have fallen in the struggle, because they had to fight alone. Baradel is also responsible. What are the teacher opposition unions, which participated in the meeting of the Militant Unions, waiting to organize an active Congress with the teachers of Chubut to call an undefined strike of teachers all over the country? This appeal would have a million times more authority and legitimacy than the entire gang of union bureaucrats of CTERA.
During the Congress of SUTNA, the workers of the ceramist union of Neuquen announced that –due to the hikes in fees and lack of supplies- factories like Zanon will shut down, while Ceramica Neuquen, also under workers’ control, has received an eviction notice. Thousands of cooperatives have slave workers in the unemployed movement. What prevents Zanon from organizing a Congress of workers from the factories which were shut down or where lay-offs took place, to unify and coordinate those claims demanding re-hire all the dismissed workers, re-opening the factories under workers’ control, as it did in 2007? This would unify the struggle of Electrolux, Mielcitas, Ansabo, Zanon, etc; the struggle to re-open Fanazul, Fabricaciones Militares, Adidas, etc; the struggle to re-hire the dismissed workers of INTI, Hospital Posadas and hundreds of workplaces that were shut down leaving hundreds of thousands of workers on the streets.
While this miserable Law of Food Emergency is voted, the picketer movement is taken to put pressure on the oligarchy’s Parliament for alms. It is a shame. The picketer movement started fighting for decent jobs blocking the roads of Mosconi and Cutral-Co. This is how the social welfare planswere conquered, the same ones that workers fight to receive twice as much. The unemployed opened their way by blocking tickets offices to fight side by side with the subway workers to get the 6-hour shifts.
What prevents a call for a Picketer Assembly of the employed and unemployed workers with rank and file delegates from the struggling masses to vote for a workers way out of the crisis, to impose it in the streets through the method of pickets and general strike and therefore overpass union bureaucracy limits, like Chubut proves?
The role of the parliamentary left is containing the left wing of the working class within the bourgeois regime and acting as an obstacle to overpass union bureaucracy, to which according to them, could only be defeated in union elections every 4 years.
Reformist left’s economicism and parliamentarism is an absolute limit, like the union bureaucracy, so that the masses can open the road to the political struggle and conquer the victory.
The bourgeoisie brought a new 2001, with an economic attack that turns the masses’ lives unbearable and it has sentenced millions of exploited to starvation. These sufferings will not be solved in the Congress or in the “social pacts” that the union bureaucracy and the parliamentary left proclaim.
The tragedy of the masses is their leaderships’ conservatism. For years the working class has built and kept powerful unions. There’s a massive powerful picketer movement of unemployed workers. They gave FIT-U –which presented itself as “revolutionary” and “socialist”- MPs to agitate the mass struggle.
And now, when the crisis is here, when Chubut is on fire, when hundreds of thousands are unemployed, when hundreds of factories are fighting divided, when courts and jails are full of persecuted fighters and hostages like Daniel Ruiz and the former bus drivers of Line East; when the children of the working class are murdered by Chocobar and Bullrich’s “trigger-happy” police…. When all these is happening, all those mass organizations that the working class has been building for years fall on their shoulders and paralyze them, preventing the confrontation of capitalists’ crisis.
This is the crisis of the working class: the crisis of leaders who suffocate the tendency of entering the combat that the masses prove to be willing to take constantly.
The working class is not conservative, but they were and are betrayed constantly. They have too much dead weight on their shoulders to fight, even the FIT-U’s MP… and despite all that, they fight back.
A re-group of the workers’ ranks is necessary
The crisis of reformism follows parliamnetarism crisis closely. In the real Argentina, it has been a while since the margin of class conciliation ended. The bourgeoisie launched a massive attack against the working class. FIT-U’s policy of “deepening” this democracy for the rich so that workers can get their most minimum demands to survive, it is not only a reactionary utopia, but a deception against the working class.
The struggle for the most minimum demand, like wages in Chubut, places at the top of the agenda to defeat the government, to burn down the dominance institutions, attacking the oil companies and Aluar’s properties. This means that conquering the most minimum demand poses the defeat of the class enemy.
But reformism wants to make the masses believe that starvation and lay-offs can be stopped and life can be improved with a “democratic transition” of Fernandez supporting Macri, strengthening the bourgeois Parliament, etc.
It has been a while since the bourgeoisie broke social peace and masses entered the struggle. Reformism and the union bureaucracy could no longer regulate the relationship between work and capital. The relationship between antagonistic classes becomes unbearable. One of the two classes must be knocked down. Either the working class takes steps towards a revolutionary path and with its mass blows distort the bourgeois power, scatter the bourgeois institutions of dominance and open the road to revolution, surpassing all treacherous leaders who prevent this perspective; or what will be imposed is class collaboration policy of this infamous regime of democracy for the rich and the working class will suffer severe and bitter defeats, after cruel deceptions, like the ongoing electoral trap.
The crisis and crash are here. The IMF, after acting as guarantor of the plunderers of the country, comes to collect the loans. The bourgeois gangs demand to smash the working class. They have surrounded Alberto Fernandez and the K’s with all the economic groups of the country. As we have said, a co-government until December has been set up. The struggle is class against class.
A period of counter-reformism has been opened. How can the problem of unemployment in Argentina be solved with a miserable law of “prohibition of lay-offs for 6 months”? That is like emptying the ocean with a bucket. It is an infamous lie. That law was vetoed by Macri years ago… and what it is worse, with this policy they “forget” about the 10% of the working class that is unemployed and the 300,000 dismissed workers by the capitalists and the state in the last couple of years.
There is no solution for the lay-offs and unemployment without attacking the capitalists’ property, without struggling for imposing the cut down on working hours and an extra shift in every workplace, without occupying factories to re-hire the dissmissed workers and place them under workers’ control. How can suspensions, which reduce even more the workers’ wages, can be stopped without imposing 6-hour shifts as the subway workers in 2001? How to defend Zanon, Ceramica Neuquen and all the recovered factories without coordinating with the struggle in the occupied factories like Ansabo, Mielcitas and Canale?
There is no stopping the payment of the debt to the IMF with a law in the Parliament, even the most democratic Parliament that the reformist left can dream about, if there is no disarming of the big capital’s armed men gang, commanded by the US Embassy and Mossad, without self-defence committees and without arming the people.
How can the flight of capitals and inflation be stopped without nationalizing the foreign trade and expropriating the banks without compensation?
How can we end starvation without expropriating the oligarchy? The coward reformist left keeps silence about this and does not even dare to re-take the war cry of the Peronist resistance ‘the only way to eat is by burning down the Jockey Club and the Rural Society?
How can we eat without expropriating the cereal companies, the big supermarkets and all the intermediary chain of food and consumer goods, without consumers committees, without price control, without supply committees, without factory committees, without the masses taking the crisis in their hands?
How can the prisoners be freed and drop all charges against fighters without unifying the fights for the freedom of Daniel Ruiz and the former bus drivers of East bus line, for the acquittal of the oil workers of Las Heras, to drop the charges against Alejandro Villarruel, the bus drivers of Line 60 and over 7,500 persecuted, to stop the persecution against Sebastian Romero, etc?
These are immediate current tasks. The law for times like this is that the slightest demands are conquered by fighting for everything, namely fighting for the revolution every day. The limits imposed by the union bureaucracy cannot be surpassed without setting up a Struggle National Coordinating Body to generalize the spark and set everything on fire, as in Chubut or in the clashes of the unemployed workers with the repressive forces like in Chaco.
The path to the general strike can only be opened by generalizing the enormous forces unfolded by workers to march over the unions, like the working class did during the Rodrigazo in 1975.
The ruined middle class, fully indebted, in an open process of impoverishment, start turning slowly to the left… very slowly. If they do not meet with the working class to have a way out, they will quickly turn to the right again and, desperately, they will be easy prey of the siren songs of Fernandez and his “social pact” policy to support imposing order to the working class with the gunmen of the union bureaucracy.
The mass political struggle poses a program to stop the bourgeoisie, to assault all the institutions of dominance. The masses must re-group their forces and they will do so by conquering a revolutionary program for the immediate fight, with a new program, which is not the one of the “social pact”, or the one of reformist left’s parliamentary cretinism, which lead the masses to a dead end.
In the battlefield of the class struggle in Argentina, like in the world working class, there’s a confrontation between two strategies and two programs: reform vs. revolution.
As we have said on the one side, the reformist left states that the working class can achieve democratic and minimum demands by expanding democracy. On the other side, the revolutionary Marxist thesis states that in order to get the most minimum demand the fight must be for everything, for the socialist revolution.
On the one side, reformism tries to strengthen the democratic institutions of dominance, namely the fiercest dictatorship of capital. On the other side, we want to set on fire all the regimen’s institutions like in Chubut. This is the path to “broaden” the democracy and to create better conditions for the working class to seize power.
On the one side, there’s the policy of submitting the working class to the siren songs of the “democratic fronts” and “progressive” laws in the bourgeois Parliament, namely, a class collaboration policy. On the other side, there’s an intransigent policy of class Independence, to open the road for the working class and the struggling masses to set up self-organization and direct democracy structures to open the road for a victorious Argentinazo.
This is the way to fight so the Argentinean working class joins the torrent of struggle together with the Latin American and world working class. They fight in France with the Yellow Vests and Black Vests, who have broken away from Stalinism’s control and the reformist left in the unions. In Syria, the masses resist in the last trenches of the revolution. In Brazil and Bolivia, the working class confronts labour flexibility.
Those are where the forces of the workers are. They are in the rebel revolutionary youth that fights in China and Hong Kong. They are in those who cry “may the regime fall” in Sudan and Algeria. They are in their class siblings of the General Motors workers in the USA that are fighting to recover the wages, the collective agreements and health insurance that Obama has stolen from them. The true allies of the Argentinean working class are the US workers, not the leftist millionaires of the Democrat Party like Sanders and other representatives of the New Left who have long ago moved onto the side of supporting the bourgeois regimes.
From LOI-CI / Democracia Obrera, we raise this policy. We also understand and know that there are hundreds of workers and youth organizations as well as currents belonging to the working class and the revolution who have posed the need to take steps in the path of coordinating the struggles and do not give a truce to Fernandez and Macri’s electoral trap; of generalizing and expanding Chubutazo and of fighting for the General Strike.
We saw this in the last meeting of the Militant Unions. In there and in many other struggles, we converged with hundreds of fighters and currents who defend the class independence. We propose them to set up a block for the self-organization and coordination of the combats of the working class.
There is no time to waste. Every step in this direction will find our full support, solidarity and common action.
A new re-group of the workers’ ranks has become an urgent need. The left organizations of FIT-U have become a new strong support of the bourgeois regime, in which they have lived and vegetated for years. The struggle for a revolutionary internationalist and classist leadership of the working class has become the most urgent task of the agenda.
From the FLTI we fight to re-found the Fourth International. We fight and die in the revolution and resistance of the Syrian masses. We fight in Africa and with the rebel youth of the Pacific, today revolted in China. We stand together with the Yellow Vests and the immigrants who die in the Mediterranean Sea. We feel as our own the struggles of the GM workers in the USA and those of the workers in Africa who want to end with the routes of slavery.
We know that the struggle to set up a Leninist Revolutionary Combat Insurrectional Party in Argentina can only be possible if it’s carried out together with different affluents of the revolutionary workers and youth vanguard and currents which claim belonging to Marxist socialism.
A tough theoretical political and programmatic struggle has opened within the reformist left. In the trenches of theory, in defence of Trotskyism, there is a tough and bloody combat for the principles of revolutionary socialism. We do not yield a shred in this struggle before the masses.
The key is preparing the working class for the tough class combats and shaping the cadres of socialist revolution in Argentina within the struggle for the program of the world socialist revolution.
Editorial Board of “Democracia Obrera” (Workers Democracy)