Argentina - November 23, 2023

The electoral trap has reached its culmination: either with Massa or with Milei, the big capitalists, the IMF and the US embassy always won

Milei, the new whip of Wall Street and the big slave-owning bosses to attack the working class and plunder the nation

Milei, in alliance with Macrism, won the runoff with 56% of the votes (14,400,000) against Massa's 44% (11,500,000). It was the culmination of a 9-month electoral trap that served the government and the capitalists, supported by the scabs of the trade union bureaucracy to unload a brutal economic crisis on the shoulders of the working class and force it to choose in the ballot on Sunday 19th November between two candidates of the IMF and the big slave-owning bosses.
The Fernandezes and Massa government thus ends up as a "squeezed lemon" in the hands of imperialism, used by the latter to ferociously attack the workers and repay more than 40 billion dollars of the foreign debt, in the midst of the biggest crisis and bankruptcy of the nation in recent decades.

The bourgeois analysts and the reformist leftists in general at the international level are guessing: how can it be that Milei, a "man with almost no party or political structure", in two years of "fighting against the caste", put all the political parties into crisis and defeated their electoral alliances?
Some of them also say that a "very weak government" has emerged because it has "no political structure". They paint Milei as a "cuddly, wimpy kitten". This is not the case at all. To say that is to lie to the working class.

We must tell the workers the truth and put an end to the bombastic empty phrases used by the reformist politicians during the election campaign.

The question is that the ruling elites, now without their intermediary managers in government, such as the politicians of the bosses' parties, have come with Milei to organize a government and administer the state directly with the CEOs and directors of the big companies in order to finish snatching away all the gains of the working class. Hence the pact, first behind the scenes and now openly, of Macri with Milei.
In the midst of the economic crisis, the bourgeoisie no longer accepts to pay "managers" (its politicians) who keep a few bucks for themselves and are permanently tempted to flirt with the people. Now, with Milei's whip in hand, the bank managers and their direct employees are coming to take over the functions. For this they will also count on Macri's political apparatus and a very important sector of the PRO.

Argentina is bankrupt, tied with thousands of chains to the IMF, the foreign banks and the voracity of the big capitalists, who are the ones that have enriched themselves with the high cost of living and by extracting super-profits from a new working class that has more than 60% of its ranks totally flexibilized, precarioused and unregistered, with wages that do not exceed 150 dollars monthly. Meanwhile, the workers see how month after month, with the devaluations imposed by the IMF, the prices on the shelves of shops and supermarkets are skyrocketing and keep worsening their dire situation.
Millions of workers are unemployed. All of them were left to their fate by the traitors and scoundrels of the trade union bureaucracy who tied the fate of the working class to the plans of the IMF and its reactionary and anti-worker Fernandezes government and its minister Massa.
The impoverished middle classes went into a state of despair, along with the starving masses. The working class has been deeply divided. Its ranks were dislocated. Millions are struggling to eat day by day, while the unionized sectors, which are under collective contracts that have not protected their wages from collapsing, subsist in the midst of brutal limitations to their standard of living.

The bosses' politicians, Massa particularly, tried to seduce millions of hungry and dispossessed people with promises of future rights and conquests… hollow and empty phrases, when the former had already lost everything...

The working class, betrayed by its leadership and subjected
to the bourgeoisie and the hated Peronist government,
could not give an alternative to the national catastrophe

We insist, the bourgeoisie threw the whole crisis on the working class. The Peronist government, used as a "squeezed lemon" by big business and imperialism, was in charge of imposing this brutal attack on the workers and the popular masses in these last years.
This is the material basis of why the broad masses no longer believed Massa, the candidate of the PJ, the candidate of inflation and the unbearable high cost of living, who made thousands of promises to workers who were already enslaved. Here and there he promised "rights" while taking them away from the vast majority of the people.

One by one, the struggles of the working class were isolated and divided. Some of them suffered profound defeats. This isolation was also dealt with by a parliamentary left that showed a lot of "lucidity" for debates in Congress, but a total submission to the regime and inability to regroup and unite the ranks of the workers and wage a centralized and coordinated battle of the left wing of the working class.

From the bowels of this crisis of leadership and full of betrayals, the split in the ranks of the workers emerged.
A heart-breaking rift in the same class between the unemployed, the employed, those under collective bargaining agreements and the precarious and unregistered ones.
Milei's victory is incomprehensible without taking into consideration this enormous contradiction and split in the ranks of the workers. In broad sectors of the workers' ranks, a just hatred against the government prevailed, which was tragically channeled, on the one hand, by Milei, and on the other, through the "vote of fear" in favor of Massa.

Electoral farce was driven by ferocious demagogy. We insist, Massa distributed handouts during his campaign, which he called "rights", such as the VAT refund and the increase in the minimum non-taxable wage tax, while with the other hand, he stoked inflation and the cost of living with fund-monetarist devaluations. He gave workers handouts in one pocket and took twice as much out of the other.
Milei came forward and capitalized on the hatred of the masses for the bosses' politicians. This other executioner of the exploited won in a totally Bonapartist and undemocratic runoff, where people voted yes or no for this or that executioner.

During 9 months of electoral trickery, the trade union bureaucracy, subjecting the working class to one of the governments that most made people starve in the last decades as was that of the Fernandezes, took the workers off the streets, giving in their wages and all their conquests.
The working class is torn apart. Its different sectors are out of sync. The most desperate layers, those that are eating every other day or never, are looking today for quick solutions to their unheard-of sufferings and voted for Milei. Meanwhile, another sector remained screwed to the trade union bureaucracy that subjected it to Massa, the representative of the big bourgeoisie and, as he presented himself, "a great friend of the IMF".
Millions of self-employed people from a ruined middle class echoed the call to "put an end to the bums who live off social plans, without working", referring to the unemployed.
It was on these millions of desperate people that Milei's proto-fascist campaign struck, promising an end to "caste politicians" and diverting their hatred towards sectors of the labor movement in particular.

The enormous victory then of the regime as a whole is that the working class was divided, split vertically and subjected to its two executioners.
This could easily be seen barely 24 hours after the elections in thousands of factories and establishments in the country, including in the heart of the industrial proletariat, where the workers were divided between voting for Massa or Milei; while the trade union bureaucracy, which surrendered all wages and collective agreements and betrayed the struggles, leaving them isolated, now throw up their hands in horror for the vote for Milei of sectors of the rank-and-file workers, when it is them, the traitors hated by the workers, who are responsible for it.

This situation of tearing apart the ranks of the workers exposes the latter to a brutal attack by the transnationals, the big bosses and imperialism, which will be deepened now with Milei, the government of the CEOs and their boards of directors, who will take control of the state and all the institutions of the regime of domination directly, even to bring order, disciplining their managers, the politicians of the bosses' parties.

Faced with the crisis of leadership of the working class...

The big bourgeoisie and imperialism have read the
events and the situation of the oppressed classes
in Argentina and acted accordingly

In these 9 months, in the meetings in New York of the presidential candidates with the IMF, in the IDEA think-tank colloquiums of the big businessmen and transnational corporations and in dozens of meetings of the economic groups of Argentina that are quoted on the Wall Street stock exchange, the big bosses weighed which was the best candidate to continue beating from now on the working class and the exploited masses and to deepen the plunder of the nation.
The Peronist government, which removed the president from the scene and put Massa in charge of business, had already guaranteed to advance to a large extent with the labor flexibilization, while promising that it would allow its bosses to take all the riches of gas, lithium, agricultural income, etc., through a government of national unity of all the bourgeois gangs.

The bourgeoisie and imperialism read the situation well. They understood perfectly well that this "gradualist" plan proposed by Massa was no longer necessary and that they had no reason to distribute even a dime of the plunder and the super-exploitation of the working class to a sector of the native bourgeoisies and politicians who are not always trustworthy.
The bosses saw that the left wing of the working class had been isolated in hard partial struggles and when not, had suffered cruel defeats, while the Piquetero movement, subjected to the bourgeois state, was already totally separated from the unionized workers.

The left wing of the regime left the struggles in isolation and went for the electoral seats. Thus, the left wing of the working class was left dissolved in the electoral trap, the trade union bureaucracy controlling the unionized layers and millions of starving people subjected to the brutal attack of the Peronist government. Thus the conditions for a decisive offensive were created and the majority of big capital turned to Milei. Hence Macri's pact with this scoundrel who is not a "herbivorous kitten" at all, but the spokesman and figurehead of the big Wall Street capitalists who speaks the crude language of the present crisis and the need to go on a ruthless offensive against the masses.
This demagogic charlatan promises everyone paradise at the end of the road, when what he is preparing is a real hell. No doubt, the first people he will attack will be the hungry and desperate masses who voted for him. That is what the demagogy of the proto-fascist movements with which the bourgeoisie explores and will explore the conditions to advance in fascist clashes against the exploited is all about.

With Argentina strangled by the IMF and by a brutal economic crash of recession and inflation, a cycle of capitalist accumulation based on debt and the plundering of national wealth Is coming to an end

Argentina is in fact experiencing a true default. The nation is broken by looting and the flight of currency. It must be said clearly. Those at the top are the ones who broke it, stealing the work, sweat and blood of several generations of the Argentinean working class.

The country accumulates trillions of pesos in its Central Bank that do not correspond to real assets created by human labor, since their support was dollars fled from Argentina and placed in tax havens by a ruling class and a very rich middle class who are not at all “good men” as Milei likes to say, but rather criminals who, associated with imperialism, have looted the nation and taken all the wealth created by human work.
The suspension of repayments of Argentina's external debt is only contained by disbursements of funds made every two months by the IMF, which allow it to collect the maturities of capital and interest of the external debt. This circle of crisis and debt only increases the interest on a leonine and usurious debt. Thus, every two months, the IMF is which imposes the conditions of devaluation, attack on the masses and inflation.
It was the Peronist government that administered this crisis and did not leave sectors of the exploited without being attacked.
Now, the imperialist bankers and Wall Street want guarantees of repayment. These are: agricultural income, minerals, gas, lithium and all the state companies that give super profits like YPF.

The gangs of the native bourgeoisies, associated in multiple businesses as junior partners of bankers and transnational companies, and who are as much or more slave owners than the latter are with their workers, intended to keep even a small part of the looting of the nation's wealth as the gas, agricultural income, hydrocarbons, lithium... They flirted with the people. For imperialism, it is no longer the time for this nor to pay a commission to its managers.

Those who claim that “Milei has no government structure” are lying. This cynic, demagogue and charlatan scoundrel is a direct employee of the US BlackRock vulture fund; a pet fund of the financial super-oligarchy of Wall Street that is subsidized by the investments of the US American state on its arms industry, whose businesses are guarded by 10 war fleets of the US American Navy and more than 500 US military bases around the world.

What goes into a crisis by this end of the cycle of indebtedness and strangulation of the productive forces of the nation, is the shapes that the regime and its institutions of this rotten “democracy for the rich” acquire, i.e. the parties and bourgeois parliamentarianism.
The old parties and electoral alliances that stabilized the political situation in Argentina after the Kirchners took the country out of the “hell of the 2001 revolution,” as they said, have gone into a serious crisis.
The Juntos por el Cambio coalition between the UCR and the PRO has burst apart. Peronism, defeated, is going through a deep crisis.
But this is not because of leftist hits provoked by a mass revolutionary rise, but because the working class, with its hands tied by its leadership betrayal, could not intervene decisively. Big capital took advantage of this situation to set up this proto-fascist movement of CEOs and company boards that promise more blood, more sweat and more tears to the exploited.

In the midst of this serious crisis of parties, which had been reconstituted during 2003-2011 at the end of the revolutionary situation of 2001, those who really governed directly during the last year, very far from the bourgeois Parliament and its charlatans, were the great economic groups, organized in the Rural Society, the Stock Exchange, the Chamber of Commerce, the UIA (Manufacture Owners’ Union of Argentina) and the foreign and national banks, which under the orders of Stanley, the US ambassador, put the presidential candidates on a test every two weeks.
The transition from the Fernandezes government to Milei deepened the Bonapartization of the Argentine semi-parliamentary regime. The president was hidden in Olivos and his Minister of Economy assumed all presidential functions, while the real Parliament that functioned was the meetings of the large economic groups. The congress? It was ineffective. And while this was happening, the left, in a shamefully reformist electoral campaign as was the one carried out by the FIT-U, claimed that it wanted "more and more deputies to push in favor of the working class", when everything was resolved in the IDEA think-tank’s colloquiums, on the boards of transnational companies and in the US imperialism’s embassy.

During these years, as had happened with Macri in 2015-2019, the Fernandezes Peronist government was able to remain in power and throw the entire crisis on the masses’ shoulders because the fundamental institution on which it relied was the nationalization and co-option of the unions to the regime and the state.
The union and piquetero bureaucracy guaranteed the freezing of wages in the face of inflation, a slave labor force for any short-term revival in the productive process, a movement of unemployed people eating rice in soup kitchens and the worker ranks divided.

Now it is the time of Milei and the CEOs who, if they want to go all the way and apply their plan of colonization through and through and full attack on the workers' conquests, have two alternatives: one is to co-opt a sector of the union bureaucracy and integrate it into their businesses directly, as the Menem government did during the '90s, which privatized all state companies and associated to them a sector of the bureaucracy that had become businessmen.
The other alternative is to openly attack its agent the union bureaucracy, to finish liquidating and getting out of the way the unions that until yesterday have been nationalized and decisively incorporated to the government and the regime.

Big capital plans a huge battle against the working class and even against its organizations. They have prepared a “Menem 2” plan.
In this transition, the vultures will distribute the ministries and secretariats, that is, the control of the nation's businesses. They will define who commands the offensive against those below.
They are willing to give no respite. The attack is “now or never,” they say. They even threaten with the whip of mobilizing lumpen and petty bourgeois masses to the street in the eventuality the working class could enter into decisive struggles.
Nothing new under the sun. The Menem and Cavallo government also did this in the '90s, when they handed over the Ministry of Economy to the representative of Bunge & Born, one of the largest cereal companies in the world. This government mobilized tens and tens of thousands of petty bourgeois and even workers lower layers behind the so-called “Plaza del Si”, to achieve a social base in the streets that would allow it to privatize in masse all state companies by decree, as they were in charge of previously leading the State to ruin to justify its delivery for a dime to international creditors.

Ahead, there are the inevitable tendencies towards the Bonapartization of the regime that can be contained and developed within the framework of this arch-reactionary Constitution of 1853/1994 that governs Argentina, with a profound presidential character, where the president has the authority to govern by decree, declare a state of siege, intervene in the provinces and even operate with a national budget without it being voted on by Parliament.
An arch-reactionary Constitution that gives powers to the Supreme Court of Justice to declare void whatever law it considers “unconstitutional.”

The clashes between classes and Bonapartist tendencies today will be a million times harsher, crueler and more violent than during the first Menem´s government of the '90s. The thing is that this time the definitive colonization of Argentina by imperialism and the theft of all its resources is at stake. All the historical conquests of the brave Argentine working class are also at stake.

Ultimately, what has happened in this electoral trap is that the union bureaucracy, subjecting the working class to Peronism, took the masses off the streets, while the parliamentary left collaborated in disorganizing the left wing of the proletariat.
The conditions for this attack that big capital considers decisive have already been conquered by the regime and the capitalists. This is what the electoral trap was about.
Those at the top, we insist, are coming for everything. The bourgeois gangs that are left out of the distribution will seek to negotiate part of the looting from their parliamentary blocs. But they know clearly that their enemy is not imperialism nor a full-fledged attack on the working class, which will benefit them more than anyone else, but that their true enemy is a mass uprising that would once again sweep away, as in the 2001 or the Cordobazo, with the institutions of the regime and opened the way to the revolution in Argentina.
That this will not be the case is not written in a rock at all. The relations of forces are conquered in class combats. For this the bourgeoisie prepares its general staff.

Those at the top seek to give the image that the “democratic forms” of the infamous regime of the '53 Constitution are still maintained. This is how they organize the transfer of command of ministries and the presidency. That is nothing more than a decoration.
The boards of directors of transnational corporations and the IMF know perfectly well all the nooks and crannies of the state because it is their businesses that are managed there.

Unlike in 2001, when Argentina was dislocated by the revolutionary rise of the masses as a link in the control of US imperialism, today it tends to consolidate itself as a link under direct control of the US throughout its “backyard”

The US has already set foot on the entire subcontinent. It exercises its direct control under all types of governments, whether “leftist” like that of Boric, Petro and Lula, all lackeys of the US imperialists, or it does so through palace military coups like that of Dina Boluarte in Peru or the one that ir had previously imposed in Bolivia.
With the Lima Group, US American imperialism centralizes the Armed Forces of Latin America and coordinates its military bases in it, which will seek to establish not only in the Pacific countries where they already exist, such as Chile and Peru, or in Central America and the Caribbean, such as Honduras and Colombia, but also in the Atlantic shored. Argentina will be their privileged place.
Here it is clear that the bravado of Villarruel, the vice president-elect, about the “truth of the 30,000 missing personas (under the last military dictatorship)” (that she and her party deny, N.T.), not only opens the doors to free the genocidaires who still remain in prison, seeking to put the “military party” back on its feet, but essentially what it is preparing is the installation of US bases in Argentine territory, something that would carry all the way the process of “demalvinizacion” (dropping the claim over the Malvinas/Falkland Islands taken by the British pirates in the 19th Century) and submission to UK-US imperialism that has been deepened in these 40 years of “democracy for the rich.”

Nothing can already surprise advanced workers anymore. In the '90s it was the Menem government that, as we said, pardoned all the genocidaires. That government was applauded by all the current leaders of the PJ. We do not forget.
Everyone remains silent and silences the fact that it was because of the revolutionary uprising of 2001 that the plan that Milei and his vice president have brought under their arms was prevented from being applied again, as Menem had done in the '90s. It was the 2001 revolution, betrayed and diverted a thousand times, that defeated the plans of rescue of and reconciliation with the Armed Forces that the Menem government wanted to impose.

The bourgeois gangs and the big capitalists know that in 2001 all their institutions of domination had been collapsing like a house of cards. 5 presidents fell in one week. Millions were fighting in the streets.
For this reason, everyone of them, in different forms, seeks and will seek for the Armed Forces to once again have firepower in the face of internal conflicts in Argentina.
The US bases installed in the country are to be the ones that would guarantee this. Ultimately, the true commander in chief of the Armed Forces of Argentina and Latin America is General Richardson, head of the Southern Command of the US Pentagon.

US imperialism is then stepping onto its “backyard.” It comes for everything. Even willing to break up regional markets such as Mercosur or ALBA that could open the doors to other imperialist powers in the region.
The US is coming throughout Latin America, just as it is going to regain its control in the Middle East with the Zionist state of Israel's massacre of the Palestinian masses and supporting all the counterrevolutionary regimes in the region.
The US pirates will once again seek to impose an FTAA from Alaska to Tierra del Fuego, which the revolutionary processes of the Latin American masses of the first decade of the 21st century had prevented; anti-imperialist uprisings and struggles that were later surrendered by the fakers of the “Bolivarian revolution.”

The bankruptcy of the FIT-U

The crisis of parliamentarianism is accompanied
like soul to the body by the crisis of reformism

What is opening up in Argentina, with the new Milei government and before that with Massa, is an acute era of counter-reformism and the reduction to extreme degrees of any policy of class conciliation.
The FIT-U told the masses that by filling the Parliament with left-wing deputies, the working class could resolve its crisis. It is a lie, a deception and an infamy. Today, given that their "progressive" bourgeois Massa, to whom they voted for dozens of laws, was not elected president, they very straightforwardly affirm that now everything "will be resolved in the streets."

The FIT-U and its parliamentary cretinism hid the fact that the attack by the Peronist government and Milei's direct government plan had to be confronted with the method of proletarian revolution.
The FIT-U was very far from this and very close to the Stalinist traitors of Cuba, whose invented “left wing” presents itself as pseudo Trotskyist. That is a faction led by Díaz-Canel, who sends that faker of Frank García Hernández, an active member of the CP, to deceive the Cuban and Latin American working class pretending to be placed on the left.
This man today mourns the defeat of Massa and affirms, lamenting in a lengthy statement, that “Argentina will stop trading with Cuba”… He’s a faker.

The Cuban CP, starting with Fidel Castro himself, was responsible for betraying, strangling and leading to defeat all the revolutionary processes and mass uprisings in Latin America and even in the United States along the last 20 years. These revolutionary combats of the exploited of the continent were the way to break the blockade and isolation of the island and not the war cry that Castro himself made before his death, that “socialism is no longer going, not even in Cuba.”
This self-titled “Cuban Communist Left”, which farcically paints itself as “Trotskyist”, is a current subject to its boss Díaz-Canel, who grants absolute legality to this group of García Hernández to carry out political activity in Cuba, while grinds with clubs all the workers who rise up against the hunger and misery imposed by capitalist restoration.

From Havana the cry of “socialism is no longer going” came out. With the farce of the "Bolivarian revolution" they strangled the revolutionary processes of the first decade of the 21st century such as Bolivia, Venezuela, Ecuador and the rebellious Argentina of 2001. And now they have supported that Gringo left of Boric, Petro, Lula... and Massa.
In Cuba, they imposed a brutal capitalist restoration that is shown by all imperialism and reaction as if it were the “fall of socialism” when it is the opposite: it is the collapse of worker and peasant Cuba, cornered by the betrayal of Cuban Stalinism and worldwide Stalinism to the Latin American revolution. The Cuban CP formed partnerships with the large Spanish and French transnational corporations to restore capitalism on the island, highlighting sectors of that decomposed Stalinist nomenklatura, which already meet with the gusanos of Miami to do business.

Whether this Mr. Frank García Hernández and the Cuban Stalinists like it or not, they are also responsible for Milei's victory because they have dirtied the flag of socialism by handing Cuba over to capitalism, as they did with all the workers' states, and making that capitalist garbage of the “Bolivarian revolution” appear as the “21st century socialism that fails.” And now they complain about the “backwardness” of the Argentine and Latin American working class! Traitors! A thousand times traitors! They are mere servants of Biden and the US imperialists.

On top of that, the renegades of Trotskyism travel the world holding international conferences SIDE by dude with these political criminals, sellouts of the socialist revolution. That is the path that the liquidators of the Fourth International have chosen.

Milei ended each campaign event and each exhibition with the war cry of “long live freedom, damn it!” and “irreducible defense of private property!”… And there was not a brave voice from the Argentinean left that responded: “let capitalism die and long live the socialist revolution!” and called on the working class to organize and prepare to confront the counterrevolutionary forces that are raising their heads in the streets.
The Stalinist betrayal of handing over worker and peasant Cuba to capitalism and imperialism is a stab in the back to the proletariat and the exploited of Latin America and the United States. This is what strengthens the reactionary and counterrevolutionary processes of the Americas and creates and recreates the forces that betray each step towards the revolution Taken by the masses.
The system has also taken advantage of reformism. And no doubt, they will throw it away when it is no longer necessary.

The FIT-U based its electoral campaign on talking about the need to “break with the IMF,” as if such a task could be done only from the Buenos Aires province Pampas and Buenos Aires City Obelisk. That's charlatanism. Without a generalized struggle of the Latin American masses, together with the US American working class, the defeat of the anti-imperialist combat in Argentina is assured.
In its electoral campaign, the FIT-U did not fight either for the socialist revolution or for the internationalist combat of the Argentine working class when Peru, Chile, Colombia, etc. were burning.

The Argentinean proletariat was not presented with any serious and revolutionary alternative either against Massa or against Milei by the reformist left. That is why the FIT-U did not capitalize in the slightest on the hatred against the regime and the Peronist government of millions of exploited.

The current crisis of the working class has its origin in a thousand betrayals and capitulations of its leadership. Their ranks will only regroup under a revolutionary program that proposes attacking capitalist property and ending imperialist plunder. Only in this way will it be possible to unite the unemployed workers with the employed workers, the precarious youth and the millions of flexible workers, going together for all those at the top.
The fight to establish a new revolutionary party under the banners of the socialist revolution, that is, a Trotskyist and internationalist one, becomes crucial at this historical crossroads of the Argentinean and Latin American working class.

The leadership crisis worsens

The crisis of leadership and the betrayals are paid for by the masses. And on top of that we have to put up with pseudo-intellectual leftists of the bourgeois regime blaming the desperate workers for "breaking their collective tasks and dedicating themselves to the individual solution of their problems," as it has been written profusely in La Izquierda Diario of the PTS. This is an infamy.
The Argentine working class tried one and a thousand times to confront this anti-worker government of the Fernandezes, while the FIT-U voted for more than 90% of its laws in the bourgeois parliament, presented by Massa. Thus they passed off as "progressive" a government hated by the exploited. Why should the FIT-U and its parliamentary charlatans channel the hatred of the masses against the bourgeois parties and the infamous regime?
The FIT-U parties have a lot of explaining to do because directly or indirectly they called to vote for Massa. They and the traitors of the union bureaucracy must assume their responsibility. Explain it.

In June-July Jujuy, where the PTS had taken 23% of the votes, was burning. They refused to coordinate and centralize the militant workers vanguard, which at every step tended to set up its self-organizing organizations, as among the dockers, health, food workers, teachers, etc.
The FIT-U was far from using the electoral campaign as a tribune for making the voice of the workers in struggle heard. Though leading entire unions like the Tire Union or sections of the Railroad Union and Teachers Union, they did not give a single spot or a minute of television to the thousands of workers who, betrayed by the union bureaucracy, sought to confront the attack of the Peronist government.
It would have sufficed that they called to vote 1 delegate every 100 to set up a Congress of occupied and unemployed workers to be installed in the uprising Jujuy so that today the Argentinean working class would have a vanguard pole organized to confront the decisive class clashes that are coming.
Besides, together with Stalinism, they turned the brave unemployed movement as a beggar.

The parliamentary left has a lot of explaining to do and to stop blaming the working class for their own impotence and iniquities.
As Trotsky affirmed in the revolutionary process in France in the '30s, denouncing Stalinism which blamed the masses for partial defeats:
"The blame is put on the backs of the working masses. As if the parties and the unions stood apart from the proletariat and were not its organs of struggle! It is precisely because the proletariat, as the result of its more than a century-old struggles, has created its political and trade-union organizations, that it is difficult and almost impossible for it to carry on the struggle against capitalism without them and against them. What was built as the main spring of action has become a dead weight, a brake". This is the limit of the working class.
What are these anti-Marxist gentlemen talking about, who see the working class as a sum of individuals separated from their organizations which they created and which at every step betray them?

During the electoral campaign the FIT-U made a shameful spectacle, since it was divided at the top for the distribution of seats, but it also divided at the bottom the most militant and militant vanguard of the working class. That is why they even refused to hold a unitary act for closing the electoral campaign.
And then they celebrated the fact that they had obtained 2.7% of the votes and maintained their scarce electoral flow, even at a time of serious crisis of the bourgeois parties in Argentina.
When the first electoral round ended, the PTS boasted that its candidate Myrian Bregman had had many "likes" on her social networks during the presidential debate. What are these people celebrating when Milei got 14,400,000 votes and the Peronist government and its representative Massa of the IMF, scraped 11.5 million votes? What are they celebrating? The "likes" of Myriam Bregman? With that will they think to confront the fascism that threatens to win the streets? Who are these people kidding?
It is a left that has become vulgar and adapted to the bourgeois regime, while imperialism prepares very hard blows, even setting up a proto-fascist movement that from now on may crush the workers.

The working class does not have the leadership it deserves

It is necessary to recover the unity of the workers' ranks
under the banners of a revolutionary program

The time has come to make a clear and precise balance. The working class does not have the leadership it needs to set up the organizations of self-organization and direct democracy, to unite the employed, unemployed and precarious workers with the demand that "the capitalists pay for the crisis", denouncing that if they come for the jobs, the wages and everything that is ours, we have to go for their property.
If those at the top want to lay off and take away all the workers' conquests, the way out is not to "defend rights" by chattering in Parliament, but to fight in the streets with the method of the general strike and the insurrectionary mass struggle.
Those at the top are threatening us with a brutal attack by the repressive forces and with fascist gangs in the streets. The task of setting up self-defense committees and workers militias to crush any attempt by the bourgeoisie to arm vigilante gangs, is a life and death task of the moment.
These enormous tasks must be prepared, as we have already said, by regrouping the ranks of the workers with a revolutionary program and leadership. We are in time. The forces of our small nucleus are available for it.

It is inconceivable that a call to set up a National Congress of occupied and unemployed workers to prepare the resistance and organize the struggle against the traitors of the trade union bureaucracy has not yet come out immediately. And this while the blood of comrade Molares is still warm, which anticipates the ferocious repression that the working class will suffer.
A sector linked to the Partido Obrero has called for an expanded plenary of their party and the trade union sectors and of the unemployed movement that it influences. This is insufficient. It is necessary to call without delay the movement of self-convened workers, which was the vanguard of decisive struggles in the dockers, in the uprisings in the hinterland, in health care, and among the teachers. This is the road to conquer a National Congress of employed and unemployed workers featuring base delegates with a mandate voted in assembly that surpasses in its breadth those called by parties of the FIT-U and its union collaterals.
The setting up of a National Struggle Committee to unite the employed and unemployed workers in each of their struggles and demands, in each city and province of the country, is a decisive task.

Imperialism is coming for everything. We must go after all of them to break with the IMF and expropriate without compensation their banks, their transnationals and the land of a corrupt and submissive oligarchy.
The struggle against all layoffs, for the minimum, living and mobile wage for the entire working class and decent work, are the minimum demands to unite the workers.

For this, the fate of the working class cannot be tied to the bourgeoisie and its parties. When subjected to them, the workers must renounce their program and their demands. That is the perfidious policy of class collaboration of the Stalinist and reformist leaderships. They reduce to zero the forces of the workers to "maintain unity" with some of their executioners that the reformists call "progressive".
The break with the bourgeois parties and Peronism becomes decisive to present any serious battle against the "Mileiato". This road will be opened by taking decisive steps to defeat the traitors of the trade union bureaucracy who lead the working class to the feet of the bourgeoisie.

During these years, the working class set up in their struggles committees of self-organization that surpassed the bureaucratic leaderships of the unions and imposed uprisings of entire provinces as before the Chubutazo and a few months ago in Jujuy. This is the right path.

To succeed, the fate of the Argentinean working class must be tied to the revolutionary struggles of Latin America and the US. There lie the forces to break with imperialism, end the stranglehold of the fraudulent foreign debt and initiate an offensive against the capitalists and their gangs who stole and fled out of the country the equivalent of Argentina's GDP.

Today more than ever: Argentina will either be socialist or a colony of Wall Street.
Either the revolutionary struggle of 2001 and the Argentinazo returns to make them all go away, starting with this scoundrel Milei and his gang of CEOs and other bosses' politicians, or the working class will be punished by fascism. There you have Palestine massacred and martyred by Zionism and the palace or fascist coups that we have seen in the last period in Latin America.

Milei prepares as first tasks of his government a travel to the state of Israel and the USA. The workers of Argentina must make our own the call for solidarity made by the unions of the Palestinian people, who are being massacred in a real Holocaust and genocide by Zionism.
The road for the Argentine working class is to call to fight alongside the American workers like those on strike in the auto industry or the dock workers who have paralyzed the war machine that supplies weapons and supplies to the fascist army of Israel.
They are our allies together with the workers and peasants of Latin America, and not Massa and the Kirchnerista bourgeoisie that have tied the hands of the working class with "siren songs", so that Milei comes to deal a decisive blow to their conquests.

There is no time to lose.

Under the banners of the Fourth International, for a new revolutionary and internationalist regroupment of the vanguard of the Argentinean working class!

The liberation of the workers and their unity will be the work of the workers themselves.

Milei with the US ambassador Stanley

Massa with the US ambassador Stanley

The US flag is raised again in Havana

Argentina - December 2001

US imperialism General Richardson and Foreign Minister Taiana

The union bureaucracy in the US embassy

June 2023. Jujeñazo

Bregman and Del Caño, parliamentary
figures of the FIT-U

Workers paralyze the port of Tacoma in the US
against the shipment of weapons to Israel